Article:2.1.1: Difference between revisions
Import from JSON |
Edited via Kirby Panel: ilialurie@yahoo.com |
||
| (10 intermediate revisions by the same user not shown) | |||
| Line 3: | Line 3: | ||
|HasTitle=Jewish Population in Galicia and Bukovina during the Habsburg Rule | |HasTitle=Jewish Population in Galicia and Bukovina during the Habsburg Rule | ||
|HasAuthor=Tomasz M. Jankowski | |HasAuthor=Tomasz M. Jankowski | ||
|BelongsToTopic=Demography and Statistics | |BelongsToTopic=Demography and Statistics; Migration and Diaspora | ||
|HasTimePeriod=1772-1914 | |HasTimePeriod=1772-1914 | ||
|HasRegion=Galicia; Bukovina | |HasRegion=Galicia; Bukovina | ||
| Line 12: | Line 12: | ||
|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604472105171 | |HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604472105171 | ||
}} | }} | ||
<span id="jewish-population-in-galicia-and-bukovina-during-the-habsburg-rule"></span> | |||
= Jewish Population in Galicia and Bukovina during the Habsburg Rule = | |||
'''Tomasz M. Jankowski''' | |||
The 19<sup>th</sup> century was a period of intense social changes. Population growth, intensification of migration and fertility transition deeply shaped the demography of populations in east-central Europe. Galicia and Bukovina generally entered the modernization processes later than other Habsburg lands. Both lands, however, went through these processes in distinct ways. | The 19<sup>th</sup> century was a period of intense social changes. Population growth, intensification of migration and fertility transition deeply shaped the demography of populations in east-central Europe. Galicia and Bukovina generally entered the modernization processes later than other Habsburg lands. Both lands, however, went through these processes in distinct ways. | ||
The advent of the Habsburg rule over the south-eastern Polish Crown and northern Moldavia, and the formation of Galicia (1772) and Bukovina (1775), accelerated the introduction of nation-wide tools for population control. The statistical output from these tools, particularly yearbooks, needs to be interpreted cautiously. Vital registration of the Jews, introduced in 1784 with the Josephine records, remained highly ineffective and gradually improved only in the last decades before World War I. The state was not able track a substantial number of births. Disproportionate sex ratios at birth in the vital records represents general patriarchal attitudes as well as the general incompatibility of Jewish tradition with state regulations. Unlike in Christianity, where vital registration belonged to priests’ ritual duties, in Judaism the concept of registration was alien; this made birth, marriages and deaths highly invisible to the state. | The advent of the Habsburg rule over the south-eastern Polish Crown and northern Moldavia, and the formation of Galicia (1772) and Bukovina (1775), accelerated the introduction of nation-wide tools for population control. The statistical output from these tools, particularly yearbooks, needs to be interpreted cautiously. Vital registration of the Jews, introduced in 1784 with the Josephine records, remained highly ineffective and gradually improved only in the last decades before World War I. The state was not able track a substantial number of births. Disproportionate sex ratios at birth in the vital records represents general patriarchal attitudes as well as the general incompatibility of Jewish tradition with state regulations. Unlike in Christianity, where vital registration belonged to priests’ ritual duties, in Judaism the concept of registration was alien; this made birth, marriages and deaths highly invisible to the state. | ||
Girls’ births evaded the registration more often than boys’, as they were less likely to face the requirement of providing a birth certificate, e.g., for schooling. In addition, the event of naming a girl, which was a formal occasion for registration of the newborn child, did not have to be attended by a ''mohel'' or any other representative of a kahal. The ceremony, therefore, had a more private nature. In 1850, the male-to-female ratio at birth recorded in Galicia was 131 to 100 and in Bukovina 122 to 100, far above the biological rate of 103–107 to 100 | Girls’ births evaded the registration more often than boys’, as they were less likely to face the requirement of providing a birth certificate, e.g., for schooling. In addition, the event of naming a girl, which was a formal occasion for registration of the newborn child, did not have to be attended by a ''mohel'' or any other representative of a kahal. The ceremony, therefore, had a more private nature. In 1850, the male-to-female ratio at birth recorded in Galicia was 131 to 100 and in Bukovina 122 to 100, far above the biological rate of 103–107 to 100 [[Image:2.1.1-Demography-2|2.1.1-Demography-2]]. Under-registration in births flawed death registration as well, as deaths of infants without birth certificates were not likely to be registered. Moreover, only a few religious marriages were officially registered. Typically, spouses registered marriage only years later when they were required to prove their relationship, e.g., for residence permits, inheritance, or insurance. As a consequence, raw, state-level data on vital events should be discarded rather than taken as reliable.<ref>Tomasz M. Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl: The Case of Piotrków Trybunalski'' (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 37–56; ''Tafeln zur Statistik der Österreichischen Monarchie'', N.s., vol. 1, pt. 1, bk. 1 (1856), tables 3, 18.</ref> | ||
Annexation of southern | Annexation of southern [[Term:Lesser Poland|Lesser Poland]] and [[Term:Red Ruthenia|Red Ruthenia]] entailed the need to regulate the status of as many as 180,000 Jews. The Habsburgs’ main concern was the growth of the Jewish population and its economic significance. In Bohemia and Moravia, the two Austrian lands most populated with Jews up to that time (accordingly 31,115 and 21,316 in 1773<ref>'' Československý statistický věstník'' 7 (April 1926), 164.</ref>), ''Familianten'' Laws limited the growth by imposing an upper limit on the number of Jewish families allowed to reside, permitting only first-born sons to marry, and expecting the remainder to leave the land should they want to marry.<ref>Ivana Ebelová, “Familiantský zákon a jeho dopad na proces udělování svatebních konsensů v Čechách,” ''Studia historica Brunensia ''67 (2020), 92–96.</ref> ''Familianten'' Laws has not been extended to Galicia, but a series of restrictive regulations were imposed upon Galician Jews, which limited money lending and spirit distilling, fixed the number of Jewish families allowed to reside in selected towns, and, in addition, made marriage a privilege for wealthy and educated.<ref>Svyatoslav Pacholkiv, “Galizische Judengemeinden unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II,” ''Bulletin der Polnischen Historischen Mission'' 9 (2014), 104–106; Michael K. Silber, “The Making of Habsburgs Jewry in the Long Eighteenth Century,” in Jonathan Karp (ed.), ''The Cambridge History of Judaism''. Vol. 7: ''The Early Modern World, 1500–1815 ''(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 768.</ref> These restrictions, mostly lifted at the beginning of the 19<sup>th</sup> century, had a minor influence on fertility, as newlyweds circumvented them by contracting religious marriages and mostly avoided official registration '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-3|2.1.1-Demography-3]]'''.<ref>Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl'', 45–46.</ref> | ||
Regular nation-wide census taking introduced by the Habsburgs, although also affected by under-registration, help to trace general population changes.<ref>Lidia A. Zyblikiewicz, “Powszechne spisy ludności w monarchii Habsburgów,” in ''Celem nauki jest człowiek ''[''...'']'' Studia z historii społecznej i gospodarczej ofiarowane Helenie Madurowicz-Urbańskiej'' (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 2000), 387–395.</ref> Similar to the earlier period, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew more quickly than the non-Jewish population. While around 1772 Galician Jews constituted about 6.4%–6.7% of the total population, at the peak time, in 1890, the share almost doubled to 11.6% (table 1, | Regular nation-wide census taking introduced by the Habsburgs, although also affected by under-registration, help to trace general population changes.<ref>Lidia A. Zyblikiewicz, “Powszechne spisy ludności w monarchii Habsburgów,” in ''Celem nauki jest człowiek ''[''...'']'' Studia z historii społecznej i gospodarczej ofiarowane Helenie Madurowicz-Urbańskiej'' (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 2000), 387–395.</ref> Similar to the earlier period, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew more quickly than the non-Jewish population. While around 1772 Galician Jews constituted about 6.4%–6.7% of the total population, at the peak time, in 1890, the share almost doubled to 11.6% ('''table 1''', '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-4|'''fig.1''']]'''). | ||
'''Table 1: Jewish and total population on the lands of Galicia, 1765–1939''' | '''Table 1: Jewish and total population on the lands of Galicia, 1765–1939''' | ||
| Line 26: | Line 31: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| Year | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| Year | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| Population | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| Population | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| Proportionof the Jewish population (%) | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| Proportionof the Jewish population (%) | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| Jewish | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| Total | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 1765 | | style="text-align: left;"| 1765 | ||
| Line 166: | Line 169: | ||
|} | |} | ||
'''''Notes: | '''''Notes:''''' Data for 1765 estimated for the Galician borders established in 1772. Estimation for the 1815 borders is 179,741. Early Habsburg censuses were affected by under-registration. Counts marked with “about” were rounded in the source. 1772–1807 including Zamość district, 1772–1846 without lands of Republic of Krakow, 1850–1910 including Republic of Krakow. | ||
“about” were rounded in the source. 1772–1807 including Zamość district, 1772–1846 without lands of Republic of Krakow, 1850–1910 including Republic of Krakow. | |||
'''''Source: | '''''Source:''' Sources:'' ''Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi'' 1 (1886), 2; Józef Buzek, “Das Auswanderungsproblem in Österreich,” ''Zeitschrift fur Volkswirtschaft, Sozialpolitik und Verwaltung'' 10 (1901), 492; idem, “Wpływ polityki,” 97–121; Majer Balaban, “Perekhod polʹskikh evreev pod vlastʹ Avstrii,” ''Evreĭskai︠a︡ starina'' 6 (1913), no. 3, 291; Adam Krzyżanowski, Kazimierz Kumaniecki, ''Statystyka Polski'' (Kraków: Polskie Towarzystwo Statystyczne, 1915), 37–38; ''Statystyka Polski'', Seria C, vols. 58, 64, 65, 68, 78, 88, table 10; Bohdan Wasiutyński, ''Ludność żydowska w Królestwie Polskim'' (Warszawa: Kasa im. Mianowskiego 1930), 90; Filip Friedman, “Dzieje Żydów w Galicji (1772–1914),” In ''Żydzi w Polsce odrodzonej'', Ignacy Schiper, Arjeh Tartakower, Aleksander Hafftka, ed. (Warszawa: Żydzi w Polsce Odrodzonej, 1932), vol. 1, p. 377; Anton G. Rabinbach, “The Migration of Galician Jews to Vienna, 1857–1880,” ''Austrian History Yearbook'' 11 (1975), 48; Krzysztof Ślusarek, “Konskrypcyjny spis ludności Galicji z 1773 roku,” ''Studia Historyczne'' 47 (2004), 385–388. See also source to table 1 in “Demography of Galician and Bukovinian Jewry in the interwar period”. | ||
In Bukovina the share grew even stronger, from 1.7% in 1783 to 13.2% in 1900 (table 2, | In Bukovina the share grew even stronger, from 1.7% in 1783 to 13.2% in 1900 ('''table 2''', '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-5|'''fig.2''']]''')). | ||
'''Table 2. Jewish and total population in Bukovina, 1774–1930''' | '''Table 2. Jewish and total population in Bukovina, 1774–1930''' | ||
| Line 178: | Line 179: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Year''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Year''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Population''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Population''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| ''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Proportion of the Jewish population (%)''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Jewish''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 1774 | | style="text-align: left;"| 1774 | ||
| Line 248: | Line 247: | ||
|} | |} | ||
'''''Sources: | '''''Sources:''' Tafeln zur Statistik der oesterreichischen Monarchie'' 3 (1861), 60; ''Oesterrieichische Statistik'', vol. 1 (1882), no. 2, 108, vol. 32 (1892), no. 1, 127–128, vol. 63 (1902), no. 1, 126–127; Józef Buzek, “Wpływ polityki,” 97; ''Oesterrieichische Statistik'','' Neue Folge'' 1 (1912), no. 1, 92–93; ''Recensământul general al populatiei româniei'', Sabin Manuila (ed.), vol. 2 (București: Imprimeria Națională, 1938), 29; ''Anuarul statistic al României'' 1926, 13; Constantin Ungureanu, “Die Bevölkerung der Bukowina (von Besetzung im Jahr 1774 bis zur Revolution 1848),” ''Romanian Journal of Population Studies'' 1 (2011), 134–139; Constantin Ungureanu, “Populaţia Bucovinei şi Basarabiei sub stăpâniri imperiale 1775/1812-1918),” ''Archiva Moldaviae'' 5 (2013), 87–111. | ||
Until mid-19<sup>th</sup> century early censuses (conscriptions) show only slightly quicker growth of the Jews. Firstly, the officials were not able to enumerate the entire population. Missing population is expressed by sudden drops and increases in the counts which cannot be associated with wars or border changes, perhaps with the exception of the 1831 cholera epidemic, and the 1846–1855 series of peasant uprisings, hunger, malaria, typhus and again cholera | Until mid-19<sup>th</sup> century early censuses (conscriptions) show only slightly quicker growth of the Jews. Firstly, the officials were not able to enumerate the entire population. Missing population is expressed by sudden drops and increases in the counts which cannot be associated with wars or border changes, perhaps with the exception of the 1831 cholera epidemic, and the 1846–1855 series of peasant uprisings, hunger, malaria, typhus and again cholera '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-6|2.1.1-Demography-6]]'''.<ref>Krzysztof Zamorski, ''Tranformacja demograficzna w Galicji na tle przemian ludnościowych innych obszarów Europy środkowej w drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX w.'' (Krakow: Uniwersytet Jagielloński, 1991), 21.</ref> | ||
Secondly, in the case of Galicia, migration to other lands, such as Bukovina and Hungary, where ''Familianten'' laws did not limit Jewish settlement, effectively compensated for the surplus of high natural increase of the Jews.<ref>Józef Buzek, “Wpływ polityki żydowskiej rządu austriackiego w latach 1772 do 1788 na wzrost zaludnienia żydowskiego w Galicyi,” ''Czasopismo Prawnicze i Ekonomiczne'' 4 (1903), 97; Tamás Csíki, “The Immigration of Galician Jews to Hungary in the Age of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867–1914,”'' Studia Historyczne'' 62 (2019), no. 4, 6; Silber, Making of Habsburgs Jewry, 767.</ref> From the 1850s onwards, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew much more quickly. While in Bukovina the growth was still stimulated by the increasing influx of migrants, in Galicia, the rapid growth most likely stemmed from a permanent change in mortality and fertility levels, i.e., the onset of demographic transition, rather than from net migration. Precise tracing of the transition is impossible due to the unavailability of reliable birth and death statistics.<ref>Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl'', 37–49.</ref> According to Krzysztof Zamorski, the total population of Galicia, predominantly non-Jewish, entered this phase in the 1890s.<ref>Zamorski, ''Tranformacja demograficzna'', 86–106.</ref> Judging from the trends in population growth, which was clearly faster among the Jews beginning from mid-19<sup>th</sup> century, it is likely that the Jews entered the first phase of the transition, stabilization of mortality and its decline, a few decades before the non-Jews. While in the 1880s the non-Jewish population accelerated its growth, that of the Jewish population slowed down. This deceleration may, however, be related not to fertility decrease, but to a higher rate of Jewish emigration from Galicia. Between 1880 and 1910, about 27.7% of persons who emigrated from Galicia were Jewish, i.e., about 2.5 times more than the share of the Jews in the total Galician population. | Secondly, in the case of Galicia, migration to other lands, such as Bukovina and Hungary, where ''Familianten'' laws did not limit Jewish settlement, effectively compensated for the surplus of high natural increase of the Jews.<ref>Józef Buzek, “Wpływ polityki żydowskiej rządu austriackiego w latach 1772 do 1788 na wzrost zaludnienia żydowskiego w Galicyi,” ''Czasopismo Prawnicze i Ekonomiczne'' 4 (1903), 97; Tamás Csíki, “The Immigration of Galician Jews to Hungary in the Age of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867–1914,”'' Studia Historyczne'' 62 (2019), no. 4, 6; Silber, Making of Habsburgs Jewry, 767.</ref> From the 1850s onwards, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew much more quickly. While in Bukovina the growth was still stimulated by the increasing influx of migrants, in Galicia, the rapid growth most likely stemmed from a permanent change in mortality and fertility levels, i.e., the onset of demographic transition, rather than from net migration. Precise tracing of the transition is impossible due to the unavailability of reliable birth and death statistics.<ref>Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl'', 37–49.</ref> According to Krzysztof Zamorski, the total population of Galicia, predominantly non-Jewish, entered this phase in the 1890s.<ref>Zamorski, ''Tranformacja demograficzna'', 86–106.</ref> Judging from the trends in population growth, which was clearly faster among the Jews beginning from mid-19<sup>th</sup> century, it is likely that the Jews entered the first phase of the transition, stabilization of mortality and its decline, a few decades before the non-Jews. While in the 1880s the non-Jewish population accelerated its growth, that of the Jewish population slowed down. This deceleration may, however, be related not to fertility decrease, but to a higher rate of Jewish emigration from Galicia. Between 1880 and 1910, about 27.7% of persons who emigrated from Galicia were Jewish, i.e., about 2.5 times more than the share of the Jews in the total Galician population. | ||
| Line 258: | Line 257: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Decade''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Decade''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Non-Jews''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Non-Jews''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 1881–1890 | | style="text-align: left;"| 1881–1890 | ||
| Line 299: | Line 297: | ||
|} | |} | ||
'''''Note: | '''''Note:''''' Estimations based on difference between population growth measured in censuses and natural increase (difference between number of births and deaths). Numbers of Jews who emigrated may be underestimated due to under-registration in vital registration. | ||
'''''Source:'' '''Ignacy Weinfeld, ''Ludność miejska Galicji i jej skład wyznaniowy (1881–1910)'' (Lwów: Gubrynowicz i syn, 1912), 10–14. See also: Józef Buzek, ''Rozsiedlenie ludności Galicyi według wyznania i języka'' (Lwów: I. Związkowa Drukarnia, 1909), 200; Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl'', 37–49. | '''''Source:'' '''Ignacy Weinfeld, ''Ludność miejska Galicji i jej skład wyznaniowy (1881–1910)'' (Lwów: Gubrynowicz i syn, 1912), 10–14. See also: Józef Buzek, ''Rozsiedlenie ludności Galicyi według wyznania i języka'' (Lwów: I. Związkowa Drukarnia, 1909), 200; Jankowski, ''Demography of a Shtetl'', 37–49. | ||
| Line 305: | Line 303: | ||
Earlier demographic transition of the Jews was a common phenomenon in Europe, documented with accurate statistics for Italy, Prussia and Bohemia. While on a biological level reduction of mortality rates strongly depends on improvements in nutrition, food transportation, hygiene, and health care, and reduction of birth rates on the spread of fertility control, demographers have failed to establish a grand theory of the transition. There was no universal correlation between the transition, industrialization and economic change. Each region, rather, had its own peculiarities. Some factors may be pointed out as fostering an earlier onset of the transition among the Jews: significantly higher urbanization, distinct professional structure and language of communication, but also a desire for acculturation and lifestyle change. Which of these played a particular role in Galicia and Bukovina is difficult to test systematically due to the low quality of continuous population registers. | Earlier demographic transition of the Jews was a common phenomenon in Europe, documented with accurate statistics for Italy, Prussia and Bohemia. While on a biological level reduction of mortality rates strongly depends on improvements in nutrition, food transportation, hygiene, and health care, and reduction of birth rates on the spread of fertility control, demographers have failed to establish a grand theory of the transition. There was no universal correlation between the transition, industrialization and economic change. Each region, rather, had its own peculiarities. Some factors may be pointed out as fostering an earlier onset of the transition among the Jews: significantly higher urbanization, distinct professional structure and language of communication, but also a desire for acculturation and lifestyle change. Which of these played a particular role in Galicia and Bukovina is difficult to test systematically due to the low quality of continuous population registers. | ||
Historians tend to stress the growth of the Jewish population in Galicia and in general in Eastern Europe.<ref>Wacław Wierzbieniec, “Jewish Self-Government in Galicia, 1815–1914,” in ed., ''Sources on Jewish Self-Government in the Polish Lands from Its Inception to the Present'' ed., François Guesnet, Jerzy Tomaszewski (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 284; Israel Bartal, ''The Jews of Eastern Europe'', 1772–1881 (Philadelphia: University of Pensylvania Press, 2005), 38–40.</ref> The scale of the growth varies, however, between the regions. In Galicia, the Jewish population grew in the 19<sup>th</sup> century rather moderately compared to Jewish populations in neighboring regions ('''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-7|'''fig. | Historians tend to stress the growth of the Jewish population in Galicia and in general in Eastern Europe.<ref>Wacław Wierzbieniec, “Jewish Self-Government in Galicia, 1815–1914,” in ed., ''Sources on Jewish Self-Government in the Polish Lands from Its Inception to the Present'' ed., François Guesnet, Jerzy Tomaszewski (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 284; Israel Bartal, ''The Jews of Eastern Europe'', 1772–1881 (Philadelphia: University of Pensylvania Press, 2005), 38–40.</ref> The scale of the growth varies, however, between the regions. In Galicia, the Jewish population grew in the 19<sup>th</sup> century rather moderately compared to Jewish populations in neighboring regions ('''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-7|'''fig.3''']]'''). Indexed growth shows that between 1765, when the first census was enumerated in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the mid-19<sup>th</sup> century, growth of the Jewish population in Galicia maintained relatively low levels. By 1857, when the first modern and reliable census was enumerated in Galicia, the Jewish population multiplied by 2.4, a level close to Moravia with Austrian Silesia (2.1) and Bohemia (2.8). It was only in the second half of the century when the growth of Galician Jewry accelerated, increasing 6 times in 1910 (compared to 1765), while the size of the Jewish population in Bohemia, Moravia, and the Posen Duchy began to shrink. Nonetheless, Galician growth never came close to the growth of the Jewish population in the Pale of the Settlement (11.4 times in 1913), Congress Poland (11.0 times in 1897), Hungary (16.0 in 1910) and in particular, Bukovina (43.3 times in 1910). The tremendous growth of the two latter lands resulted from mass migration from other Habsburg lands, attracted by few settlement limits and new economic prospects.<ref>Silber, Making of Habsburgs Jewry, note 4, 767–768; Mislovics Erzsébet, ''A magyarországi zsidóság demográfia- és gazdaságtörténete, 1700–1830'' (Jerusalem, 2008), PhD Thesis, The Hebrew University, 8; Mislovics Erzsébet, “A zsidóság belső forrásai a MNL, Országos Levéltárának forrásanyagában, 1760–1848,” ''Régiókutatás Szemle ''6 (2021), 151.</ref> This internal migration, in turn, contributed to an early decline in population growth in other Habsburg lands. | ||
The overall distribution of the population established in the early modern period did not change during the 19<sup>th</sup> century | The overall distribution of the population established in the early modern period did not change during the 19<sup>th</sup> century '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-8|2.1.1-Demography-8]]'''. According to the 1900 census, the share of the Jews in Galicia increased in the southeast direction, while in Bukovina it increased towards the northwest ('''Map 1'''). The concentration of the Jews along the border points to a mostly Galician origin of Bukovinian Jewry and to the long-lasting entanglement of the two communities. In 1900, Galician towns with the largest Jewish population (table 4) retained the same ranking they had held in the second half of the 18<sup>th</sup> century: '''[[Community:Lviv|Lviv]] (44,258), '''[[Community:Kraków|''' Kraków''']] (25,670, including Kazimierz), Przemyśl (14,109). | ||
'''Table 4. Locations in Galicia with the largest Jewish populations, 1900''' | '''Table 4. Locations in Galicia with the largest Jewish populations, 1900''' | ||
| Line 313: | Line 311: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Place''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Place''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Roman Catholics''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Roman Catholics''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Greek Catholics''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Greek Catholics''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Other''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Other''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Belz | | style="text-align: left;"| Belz | ||
| Line 882: | Line 879: | ||
|} | |} | ||
'''''Note: | '''''Note:''''' Top 50 locations with the largest Jewish populations. Military population excluded. | ||
'''''Sources:''''' Own calculations based on ''Gemeindelexikon der im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder. Bearbeitet auf Grund der Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1900'' (Wien: K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerai, 1907), vol. 12–13. | '''''Sources:''''' Own calculations based on ''Gemeindelexikon der im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder. Bearbeitet auf Grund der Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1900'' (Wien: K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerai, 1907), vol. 12–13. | ||
The main difference among the top populated places was the increase in the population of '''[[Community:Kolomyia|'''Kolomyia''']]''' (16,568) and the decline in the rankings of '''[[Community:Brody|Brody]] (11,912) and [[Community:Zhovkva|Zhovkva]] (4,008), which reflect on the one hand the increased importance of the route to Bukovina, where Kolomyia was located, and the progressing concentration of the population in the administrative (non-Jewish) centers on the other hand. In Bukovina, 22.5% of the entire Jewish population resided in the capital city, Chernivtsi (21,587) | The main difference among the top populated places was the increase in the population of '''[[Community:Kolomyia|'''Kolomyia''']]''' (16,568) and the decline in the rankings of '''[[Community:Brody|'''Brody''']]''' (11,912) and '''[[Community:Zhovkva|'''Zhovkva''']]''' (4,008), which reflect on the one hand the increased importance of the route to Bukovina, where Kolomyia was located, and the progressing concentration of the population in the administrative (non-Jewish) centers on the other hand. In Bukovina, 22.5% of the entire Jewish population resided in the capital city, Chernivtsi (21,587) [[Image:2.1.1-Demography-9|2.1.1-Demography-9]], the next towns, in terms of the Jews’ population size, were Rădăuți (4,894), Suceava (4,229) and Vyzhnytsia (3,997), a town which also had the highest share of the Jews (89%) in all of Galicia and Bukovina (table 5). | ||
'''Table 5. Locations in Bukovina with largest Jewish population, 1900''' | '''Table 5. Locations in Bukovina with largest Jewish population, 1900''' | ||
| Line 892: | Line 889: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Place''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Place''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''District''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''District''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Jews''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Catholics''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Catholics''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Christian Orthodox''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Christian Orthodox''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Other''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Other''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ! style="text-align: center;"| '''Total''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| % | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| N | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Arbora | | style="text-align: left;"| Arbora | ||
| Line 1,455: | Line 1,450: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Land''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Land''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Urban''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Urban''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Rural''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Rural''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''All''' | ! style="text-align: center;"| '''All''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
! colspan="6" class="table-subhead" style="text-align: left;"| '''Galicia, 1880''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Jews | | style="text-align: left;"| Jews | ||
| Line 1,505: | Line 1,498: | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 5,958,907 | | style="text-align: left;"| 5,958,907 | ||
|- | |- | ||
! colspan="6" class="table-subhead" style="text-align: left;"| '''Galicia, 1900''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| | | style="text-align: left;"| | ||
| Line 1,550: | Line 1,542: | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 7,315,939 | | style="text-align: left;"| 7,315,939 | ||
|- | |- | ||
! colspan="6" class="table-subhead" style="text-align: left;"| '''Bukovina, 1900''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Jews | | style="text-align: left;"| Jews | ||
| Line 1,591: | Line 1,582: | ||
'''''Sources:''''' Buzek, ''Rozsiedlenie'', 183; ''Gemeindelexikon'', vol. 13. | '''''Sources:''''' Buzek, ''Rozsiedlenie'', 183; ''Gemeindelexikon'', vol. 13. | ||
In general, ruralization of the Jews was mostly apparent in the Carpathians. This was a result of the lack of towns in the highlands, which technically affected the statistics, and also of Jewish adaptation to the local economy, in particular timber production.<ref>John-Paul Himka, ''Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century'' (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies 1988), 157.</ref> In some Carpathian districts with relatively large urban centers, such as Dolyna and Skole in Galicia and Câmpulung Moldovenesc in Bukovina, Jews still preferred to reside in the villages. The slowly increasing ruralization of the Jews in Galicia, 30% in 1880 compared to 23% in 1765 in '''[[Term:Lesser Poland|'''Lesser Poland''']]''' and [[Term:Red Ruthenia|Red Ruthenia]], does not contradict the general urbanization trend in the area, expressed by the increasing concentration of the Jewish population in large towns (Lviv, Kraków, Chernivtsi). Rather, the ruralization trend presents the other side of the coin, the effort to find new sources of livelihood: villages, like urban centers, became a new frontier, in particular after Jews were allowed to purchase manorial estates in 1865.<ref>Tomasz Gąsowski, “From ''Austeria ''to Manor: Jewish Landowners in Autonomous Galicia,” ''Polin'' 12 (1999), 122–124.</ref> | In general, ruralization of the Jews was mostly apparent in the Carpathians. This was a result of the lack of towns in the highlands, which technically affected the statistics, and also of Jewish adaptation to the local economy, in particular timber production.<ref>John-Paul Himka, ''Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century'' (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies 1988), 157.</ref> In some Carpathian districts with relatively large urban centers, such as Dolyna and Skole in Galicia and Câmpulung Moldovenesc in Bukovina, Jews still preferred to reside in the villages. The slowly increasing ruralization of the Jews in Galicia, 30% in 1880 compared to 23% in 1765 in '''[[Term:Lesser Poland|'''Lesser Poland''']]''' and '''[[Term:Red Ruthenia|'''Red Ruthenia''']]''', does not contradict the general urbanization trend in the area, expressed by the increasing concentration of the Jewish population in large towns (Lviv, Kraków, Chernivtsi). Rather, the ruralization trend presents the other side of the coin, the effort to find new sources of livelihood: villages, like urban centers, became a new frontier, in particular after Jews were allowed to purchase manorial estates in 1865.<ref>Tomasz Gąsowski, “From ''Austeria ''to Manor: Jewish Landowners in Autonomous Galicia,” ''Polin'' 12 (1999), 122–124.</ref> | ||
A few surviving census lists from urban areas provide rough insights into additional demographic parameters which were not provided in the statistical yearbooks published at the time. | A few surviving census lists from urban areas provide rough insights into additional demographic parameters which were not provided in the statistical yearbooks published at the time. | ||
| Line 1,599: | Line 1,590: | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Region''' | ! rowspan="3" style="text-align: center;"| '''Region''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Date''' | ! rowspan="3" style="text-align: center;"| '''Date''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Age at marriage''' | ! colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Age at marriage''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Permanent celibacy''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Permanent celibacy''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Nuclear families''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Nuclear families''' | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Population''' | ! rowspan="2" style="text-align: center;"| '''Population''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Females''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Males''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Years''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''Years''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''%''' | |||
! style="text-align: center;"| '''N''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
! colspan="7" class="table-subhead" style="text-align: left;"| Jews | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Zalishchyky and Yazlovets | | style="text-align: left;"| Zalishchyky and Yazlovets | ||
| Line 1,690: | Line 1,672: | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| 13,657 | | style="text-align: left;"| 13,657 | ||
|- | |- | ||
! colspan="7" class="table-subhead" style="text-align: left;"| Non-Jews | |||
|- | |- | ||
| style="text-align: left;"| Krakow voivodeship | | style="text-align: left;"| Krakow voivodeship | ||
| Line 1,705: | Line 1,685: | ||
'''''Source:''''' Tomasz M. Jankowski, Census Microdata of Jews, accessed: 25 March 2023; CSV file, version 1.0. | '''''Source:''''' Tomasz M. Jankowski, Census Microdata of Jews, accessed: 25 March 2023; CSV file, version 1.0. | ||
Demographic transition and general modernization in the 19<sup>th</sup> century made a deep impact on the Jewish family. Within just over one hundred years, age at marriage rose from 17.5–18.0 to 23.4–24.6 for women and from 18.9–20.1 to 23.6–26.3 for men<ref>Singulate mean age at marriage applied here considers actual marital status, including “ritual” marriages, reconstructed based on formal marital status and family relationships provided in the census lists.</ref> | Demographic transition and general modernization in the 19<sup>th</sup> century made a deep impact on the Jewish family. Within just over one hundred years, age at marriage rose from 17.5–18.0 to 23.4–24.6 for women and from 18.9–20.1 to 23.6–26.3 for men<ref>Singulate mean age at marriage applied here considers actual marital status, including “ritual” marriages, reconstructed based on formal marital status and family relationships provided in the census lists.</ref> '''[[Image:2.1.1-Demography-10|2.1.1-Demography-10]]'''. | ||
It became much closer to the age at marriage within the non-Jewish population, particularly for women (24.8 in 1900 in total population, 30.1 for men).<ref>Zamorski, ''Tranformacja demograficzna'', 79.</ref> Increased age limited the effective fertility of the Jews and made marriage lose its universal nature. A small percentage of Jews (approximately 1.1% to 7.7%) reached the age 50 without ever marrying. Such rates may seem low when compared to the non-Jewish population (4.5% in Kraków voivodeship as early as in 1790–1792), but for the Jews would be unthinkable in the eighteenth century. Another gradual change which shaped the Jewish family and made it more similar to non-Jewish ones, was its gradual nuclearization and the disappearance of complex family forms. The rate of single-family households<ref>Households of type 1–3 in Peter Laslett’s typology. Eugene A. Hammel, Peter Laslett, “Comparing Households Structure over Time and between Cultures.” ''Comparative Studies in Society and History'' 16 (1974), 96.</ref> increased from 66%–80% to 77%–89%. The gradual shift of the essential family parameters of the Galicia Jews, as well as earlier demographic transition, also observed in regions of central Europe, cannot, however, be associated only with the acculturation processes occurring at that time. It reflects rather a general need, also shared by the Jews deeply embedded in shtetl life, to adapt to a rapidly changing socio-economic situation. | It became much closer to the age at marriage within the non-Jewish population, particularly for women (24.8 in 1900 in total population, 30.1 for men).<ref>Zamorski, ''Tranformacja demograficzna'', 79.</ref> Increased age limited the effective fertility of the Jews and made marriage lose its universal nature. A small percentage of Jews (approximately 1.1% to 7.7%) reached the age 50 without ever marrying. Such rates may seem low when compared to the non-Jewish population (4.5% in Kraków voivodeship as early as in 1790–1792), but for the Jews would be unthinkable in the eighteenth century. Another gradual change which shaped the Jewish family and made it more similar to non-Jewish ones, was its gradual nuclearization and the disappearance of complex family forms. The rate of single-family households<ref>Households of type 1–3 in Peter Laslett’s typology. Eugene A. Hammel, Peter Laslett, “Comparing Households Structure over Time and between Cultures.” ''Comparative Studies in Society and History'' 16 (1974), 96.</ref> increased from 66%–80% to 77%–89%. The gradual shift of the essential family parameters of the Galicia Jews, as well as earlier demographic transition, also observed in regions of central Europe, cannot, however, be associated only with the acculturation processes occurring at that time. It reflects rather a general need, also shared by the Jews deeply embedded in shtetl life, to adapt to a rapidly changing socio-economic situation. | ||
Latest revision as of 18:48, 13 October 2026
Jewish Population in Galicia and Bukovina during the Habsburg Rule
Tomasz M. Jankowski
The 19th century was a period of intense social changes. Population growth, intensification of migration and fertility transition deeply shaped the demography of populations in east-central Europe. Galicia and Bukovina generally entered the modernization processes later than other Habsburg lands. Both lands, however, went through these processes in distinct ways.
The advent of the Habsburg rule over the south-eastern Polish Crown and northern Moldavia, and the formation of Galicia (1772) and Bukovina (1775), accelerated the introduction of nation-wide tools for population control. The statistical output from these tools, particularly yearbooks, needs to be interpreted cautiously. Vital registration of the Jews, introduced in 1784 with the Josephine records, remained highly ineffective and gradually improved only in the last decades before World War I. The state was not able track a substantial number of births. Disproportionate sex ratios at birth in the vital records represents general patriarchal attitudes as well as the general incompatibility of Jewish tradition with state regulations. Unlike in Christianity, where vital registration belonged to priests’ ritual duties, in Judaism the concept of registration was alien; this made birth, marriages and deaths highly invisible to the state.
Girls’ births evaded the registration more often than boys’, as they were less likely to face the requirement of providing a birth certificate, e.g., for schooling. In addition, the event of naming a girl, which was a formal occasion for registration of the newborn child, did not have to be attended by a mohel or any other representative of a kahal. The ceremony, therefore, had a more private nature. In 1850, the male-to-female ratio at birth recorded in Galicia was 131 to 100 and in Bukovina 122 to 100, far above the biological rate of 103–107 to 100 2.1.1-Demography-2. Under-registration in births flawed death registration as well, as deaths of infants without birth certificates were not likely to be registered. Moreover, only a few religious marriages were officially registered. Typically, spouses registered marriage only years later when they were required to prove their relationship, e.g., for residence permits, inheritance, or insurance. As a consequence, raw, state-level data on vital events should be discarded rather than taken as reliable.[1]
Annexation of southern Lesser Poland and Red Ruthenia entailed the need to regulate the status of as many as 180,000 Jews. The Habsburgs’ main concern was the growth of the Jewish population and its economic significance. In Bohemia and Moravia, the two Austrian lands most populated with Jews up to that time (accordingly 31,115 and 21,316 in 1773[2]), Familianten Laws limited the growth by imposing an upper limit on the number of Jewish families allowed to reside, permitting only first-born sons to marry, and expecting the remainder to leave the land should they want to marry.[3] Familianten Laws has not been extended to Galicia, but a series of restrictive regulations were imposed upon Galician Jews, which limited money lending and spirit distilling, fixed the number of Jewish families allowed to reside in selected towns, and, in addition, made marriage a privilege for wealthy and educated.[4] These restrictions, mostly lifted at the beginning of the 19th century, had a minor influence on fertility, as newlyweds circumvented them by contracting religious marriages and mostly avoided official registration 2.1.1-Demography-3.[5]
Regular nation-wide census taking introduced by the Habsburgs, although also affected by under-registration, help to trace general population changes.[6] Similar to the earlier period, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew more quickly than the non-Jewish population. While around 1772 Galician Jews constituted about 6.4%–6.7% of the total population, at the peak time, in 1890, the share almost doubled to 11.6% (table 1, fig.1).
Table 1: Jewish and total population on the lands of Galicia, 1765–1939
| Year | Population | Proportionof the Jewish population (%) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Jewish | Total | ||
| 1765 | 186,147 | ||
| 1772 | 171,851 | about 2,685,200 | 6.4 |
| 1773 | 139,749 | 2,206,030 | 6.3 |
| 1776 | 144,200 | 2,580,796 | 5.6 |
| 1777 | 139,073 | 2,205,753 | 6.3 |
| 1780 | 151,302 | 2,778,718 | 5.4 |
| 1782 | 172,424 | 2,954,637 | 5.8 |
| 1783 | 177,582 | 3,007,540 | 5.9 |
| 1784 | 184,448 | 3,107,761 | 5.9 |
| 1785 | 212,002 | 3,229,061 | 6.6 |
| 1786 | 215,487 | 3,280,656 | 6.6 |
| 1787 | 210,898 | 3,303,120 | 6.4 |
| 1788 | 199,735 | 3,290,134 | 6.1 |
| 1797 | 192,840 | ||
| 1817 | 200,402 | 3,515,373 | 5.7 |
| 1820 | about 218,000 | ||
| 1827 | about 256,000 | 4,073,385 | 6.3 |
| 1830 | 241,482 | 4,144,212 | 5.8 |
| 1846 | about 335,000 | 4,734,477 | 7.1 |
| 1851 | 333,451 | 4,555,477 | 7.3 |
| 1857 | 448,973 | 4,632,866 | 9.7 |
| 1869 | 575,918 | 5,444,689 | 10.6 |
| 1880 | 686,596 | 5,958,907 | 11.5 |
| 1890 | 768,845 | 6,607,816 | 11.6 |
| 1900 | 811,183 | 7,315,939 | 11.1 |
| 1910 | 871,895 | 8,025,675 | 10.9 |
Notes: Data for 1765 estimated for the Galician borders established in 1772. Estimation for the 1815 borders is 179,741. Early Habsburg censuses were affected by under-registration. Counts marked with “about” were rounded in the source. 1772–1807 including Zamość district, 1772–1846 without lands of Republic of Krakow, 1850–1910 including Republic of Krakow.
Source: Sources: Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 1 (1886), 2; Józef Buzek, “Das Auswanderungsproblem in Österreich,” Zeitschrift fur Volkswirtschaft, Sozialpolitik und Verwaltung 10 (1901), 492; idem, “Wpływ polityki,” 97–121; Majer Balaban, “Perekhod polʹskikh evreev pod vlastʹ Avstrii,” Evreĭskai︠a︡ starina 6 (1913), no. 3, 291; Adam Krzyżanowski, Kazimierz Kumaniecki, Statystyka Polski (Kraków: Polskie Towarzystwo Statystyczne, 1915), 37–38; Statystyka Polski, Seria C, vols. 58, 64, 65, 68, 78, 88, table 10; Bohdan Wasiutyński, Ludność żydowska w Królestwie Polskim (Warszawa: Kasa im. Mianowskiego 1930), 90; Filip Friedman, “Dzieje Żydów w Galicji (1772–1914),” In Żydzi w Polsce odrodzonej, Ignacy Schiper, Arjeh Tartakower, Aleksander Hafftka, ed. (Warszawa: Żydzi w Polsce Odrodzonej, 1932), vol. 1, p. 377; Anton G. Rabinbach, “The Migration of Galician Jews to Vienna, 1857–1880,” Austrian History Yearbook 11 (1975), 48; Krzysztof Ślusarek, “Konskrypcyjny spis ludności Galicji z 1773 roku,” Studia Historyczne 47 (2004), 385–388. See also source to table 1 in “Demography of Galician and Bukovinian Jewry in the interwar period”.
In Bukovina the share grew even stronger, from 1.7% in 1783 to 13.2% in 1900 (table 2, fig.2)).
Table 2. Jewish and total population in Bukovina, 1774–1930
| Year | Population | Proportion of the Jewish population (%) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Jewish | Total | ||
| 1774 | 2,375 | 68,704 | 3.5 |
| 1783 | 2,203 | 131,936 | 1.7 |
| 1816 | 4,160 | 200,742 | 2.1 |
| 1823 | 6,282 | 243,669 | 2.6 |
| 1846 | 11,581 | 371,131 | 3.1 |
| 1850 | 14,618 | 379,179 | 3.9 |
| 1857 | 29,187 | 447,095 | 6.5 |
| 1869 | 47,754 | 511,964 | 9.3 |
| 1880 | 67,418 | 571,671 | 11.8 |
| 1890 | 82,717 | 646,591 | 12.8 |
| 1900 | 96,150 | 730,195 | 13.2 |
| 1910 | 102,919 | 794,929 | 12.9 |
Sources: Tafeln zur Statistik der oesterreichischen Monarchie 3 (1861), 60; Oesterrieichische Statistik, vol. 1 (1882), no. 2, 108, vol. 32 (1892), no. 1, 127–128, vol. 63 (1902), no. 1, 126–127; Józef Buzek, “Wpływ polityki,” 97; Oesterrieichische Statistik, Neue Folge 1 (1912), no. 1, 92–93; Recensământul general al populatiei româniei, Sabin Manuila (ed.), vol. 2 (București: Imprimeria Națională, 1938), 29; Anuarul statistic al României 1926, 13; Constantin Ungureanu, “Die Bevölkerung der Bukowina (von Besetzung im Jahr 1774 bis zur Revolution 1848),” Romanian Journal of Population Studies 1 (2011), 134–139; Constantin Ungureanu, “Populaţia Bucovinei şi Basarabiei sub stăpâniri imperiale 1775/1812-1918),” Archiva Moldaviae 5 (2013), 87–111.
Until mid-19th century early censuses (conscriptions) show only slightly quicker growth of the Jews. Firstly, the officials were not able to enumerate the entire population. Missing population is expressed by sudden drops and increases in the counts which cannot be associated with wars or border changes, perhaps with the exception of the 1831 cholera epidemic, and the 1846–1855 series of peasant uprisings, hunger, malaria, typhus and again cholera 2.1.1-Demography-6.[7]
Secondly, in the case of Galicia, migration to other lands, such as Bukovina and Hungary, where Familianten laws did not limit Jewish settlement, effectively compensated for the surplus of high natural increase of the Jews.[8] From the 1850s onwards, the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina grew much more quickly. While in Bukovina the growth was still stimulated by the increasing influx of migrants, in Galicia, the rapid growth most likely stemmed from a permanent change in mortality and fertility levels, i.e., the onset of demographic transition, rather than from net migration. Precise tracing of the transition is impossible due to the unavailability of reliable birth and death statistics.[9] According to Krzysztof Zamorski, the total population of Galicia, predominantly non-Jewish, entered this phase in the 1890s.[10] Judging from the trends in population growth, which was clearly faster among the Jews beginning from mid-19th century, it is likely that the Jews entered the first phase of the transition, stabilization of mortality and its decline, a few decades before the non-Jews. While in the 1880s the non-Jewish population accelerated its growth, that of the Jewish population slowed down. This deceleration may, however, be related not to fertility decrease, but to a higher rate of Jewish emigration from Galicia. Between 1880 and 1910, about 27.7% of persons who emigrated from Galicia were Jewish, i.e., about 2.5 times more than the share of the Jews in the total Galician population.
Table 3. Emigration from Galicia, 1881–1910.
| Decade | Jews | Non-Jews | Total | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| N | % | N | % | N | |
| 1881–1890 | 36,660 | 59.7 | 24,761 | 40.3 | 61,421 |
| 1891–1900 | 114,000 | 37.6 | 188,826 | 62.4 | 302,826 |
| 1901–1910 | 85,844 | 17.6 | 402,572 | 82.4 | 488,416 |
| Total | 236,504 | 27.7 | 616,159 | 72.3 | 852,663 |
Note: Estimations based on difference between population growth measured in censuses and natural increase (difference between number of births and deaths). Numbers of Jews who emigrated may be underestimated due to under-registration in vital registration.
Source: Ignacy Weinfeld, Ludność miejska Galicji i jej skład wyznaniowy (1881–1910) (Lwów: Gubrynowicz i syn, 1912), 10–14. See also: Józef Buzek, Rozsiedlenie ludności Galicyi według wyznania i języka (Lwów: I. Związkowa Drukarnia, 1909), 200; Jankowski, Demography of a Shtetl, 37–49.
Earlier demographic transition of the Jews was a common phenomenon in Europe, documented with accurate statistics for Italy, Prussia and Bohemia. While on a biological level reduction of mortality rates strongly depends on improvements in nutrition, food transportation, hygiene, and health care, and reduction of birth rates on the spread of fertility control, demographers have failed to establish a grand theory of the transition. There was no universal correlation between the transition, industrialization and economic change. Each region, rather, had its own peculiarities. Some factors may be pointed out as fostering an earlier onset of the transition among the Jews: significantly higher urbanization, distinct professional structure and language of communication, but also a desire for acculturation and lifestyle change. Which of these played a particular role in Galicia and Bukovina is difficult to test systematically due to the low quality of continuous population registers.
Historians tend to stress the growth of the Jewish population in Galicia and in general in Eastern Europe.[11] The scale of the growth varies, however, between the regions. In Galicia, the Jewish population grew in the 19th century rather moderately compared to Jewish populations in neighboring regions (fig.3). Indexed growth shows that between 1765, when the first census was enumerated in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the mid-19th century, growth of the Jewish population in Galicia maintained relatively low levels. By 1857, when the first modern and reliable census was enumerated in Galicia, the Jewish population multiplied by 2.4, a level close to Moravia with Austrian Silesia (2.1) and Bohemia (2.8). It was only in the second half of the century when the growth of Galician Jewry accelerated, increasing 6 times in 1910 (compared to 1765), while the size of the Jewish population in Bohemia, Moravia, and the Posen Duchy began to shrink. Nonetheless, Galician growth never came close to the growth of the Jewish population in the Pale of the Settlement (11.4 times in 1913), Congress Poland (11.0 times in 1897), Hungary (16.0 in 1910) and in particular, Bukovina (43.3 times in 1910). The tremendous growth of the two latter lands resulted from mass migration from other Habsburg lands, attracted by few settlement limits and new economic prospects.[12] This internal migration, in turn, contributed to an early decline in population growth in other Habsburg lands.
The overall distribution of the population established in the early modern period did not change during the 19th century 2.1.1-Demography-8. According to the 1900 census, the share of the Jews in Galicia increased in the southeast direction, while in Bukovina it increased towards the northwest (Map 1). The concentration of the Jews along the border points to a mostly Galician origin of Bukovinian Jewry and to the long-lasting entanglement of the two communities. In 1900, Galician towns with the largest Jewish population (table 4) retained the same ranking they had held in the second half of the 18th century: Lviv (44,258), Kraków (25,670, including Kazimierz), Przemyśl (14,109).
Table 4. Locations in Galicia with the largest Jewish populations, 1900
| Place | Jews | Roman Catholics | Greek Catholics | Other | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| N | % | N | % | N | % | N | % | N | |
| Belz | 2,872 | 56.6 | 972 | 19.2 | 1,231 | 24.3 | 0 | 0.0 | 5,075 |
| Berezhany | 4,395 | 38.4 | 4,150 | 36.3 | 2,605 | 22.8 | 293 | 2.6 | 11,443 |
| Bolekhiv | 3,323 | 78.4 | 596 | 14.1 | 212 | 5.0 | 106 | 2.5 | 4,237 |
| Boryslav | 5,950 | 55.7 | 2,858 | 26.7 | 1,870 | 17.5 | 12 | 0.1 | 10,690 |
| Brody | 11,912 | 68.6 | 3,317 | 19.1 | 2,092 | 12.0 | 40 | 0.2 | 17,361 |
| Buchach | 6,730 | 57.2 | 3,078 | 26.2 | 1,948 | 16.6 | 0 | 0.0 | 11,756 |
| Chortkiv | 3,146 | 61.7 | 1,302 | 25.5 | 601 | 11.8 | 50 | 1.0 | 5,099 |
| Chrzanów | 5,504 | 54.1 | 4,647 | 45.7 | 7 | 0.1 | 12 | 0.1 | 10,170 |
| Drohobych | 8,683 | 44.7 | 5,005 | 25.8 | 5,675 | 29.2 | 69 | 0.4 | 19,432 |
| Gorlice | 3,297 | 51.2 | 3,047 | 47.3 | 82 | 1.3 | 11 | 0.2 | 6,437 |
| Horodenka | 4,255 | 36.6 | 1,259 | 10.8 | 6,056 | 52.1 | 43 | 0.4 | 11,613 |
| Horodok | 3,547 | 31.6 | 3,992 | 35.5 | 3,682 | 32.8 | 16 | 0.1 | 11,237 |
| Hrymayliv | 2,700 | 64.7 | 640 | 15.3 | 830 | 19.9 | 0 | 0.0 | 4,170 |
| Husiatyn | 3,648 | 63.6 | 1,098 | 19.1 | 984 | 17.2 | 6 | 0.1 | 5,736 |
| Stanislaviv (Ivano-Frankivsk) | 14,106 | 46.4 | 9,653 | 31.7 | 5,952 | 19.6 | 699 | 2.3 | 30,410 |
| Jarosław | 5,705 | 25.2 | 12,228 | 54.0 | 4,457 | 19.7 | 270 | 1.2 | 22,660 |
| Kalush | 4,323 | 55.2 | 1,040 | 13.3 | 2,439 | 31.2 | 27 | 0.3 | 7,829 |
| Kamionka Strumiłowa (Kamianka-Buzka) | 3,164 | 43.3 | 2,014 | 27.6 | 2,079 | 28.4 | 53 | 0.7 | 7,310 |
| Kniahynin | 5,211 | 37.2 | 5,327 | 38.0 | 3,385 | 24.2 | 90 | 0.6 | 14,013 |
| Kolomyia | 16,417 | 50.8 | 9,108 | 28.2 | 5,628 | 17.4 | 1,205 | 3.7 | 32,328 |
| Krakow | 25,430 | 29.8 | 58,851 | 69.0 | 519 | 0.6 | 474 | 0.6 | 85,274 |
| Kuty | 3,137 | 46.9 | 1,219 | 18.2 | 1,799 | 26.9 | 534 | 8.0 | 6,689 |
| Lesko | 2,701 | 61.3 | 1,164 | 26.4 | 544 | 12.3 | 0 | 0.0 | 4,409 |
| Lviv | 44,018 | 28.6 | 77,239 | 50.2 | 29,119 | 18.9 | 3,452 | 2.2 | 153,828 |
| Mielec | 2,819 | 57.4 | 2,081 | 42.4 | 9 | 0.2 | 0 | 0.0 | 4,909 |
| Nadvirna | 3,644 | 48.4 | 1,201 | 16.0 | 2,672 | 35.5 | 8 | 0.1 | 7,525 |
| Nowy Sącz | 4,687 | 29.8 | 10,568 | 67.2 | 252 | 1.6 | 217 | 1.4 | 15,724 |
| Oświęcim | 3,779 | 55.2 | 3,029 | 44.3 | 19 | 0.3 | 14 | 0.2 | 6,841 |
| Peremyshliany | 2,934 | 61.9 | 1,047 | 22.1 | 753 | 15.9 | 9 | 0.2 | 4,743 |
| Pidhaitsi | 3,757 | 64.9 | 958 | 16.5 | 1,074 | 18.5 | 1 | 0.0 | 5,790 |
| Pidvolochysk | 3,779 | 73.0 | 794 | 15.3 | 593 | 11.5 | 10 | 0.2 | 5,176 |
| Podgórze | 5,422 | 29.9 | 12,586 | 69.3 | 93 | 0.5 | 54 | 0.3 | 18,155 |
| Przemyśl | 14,109 | 30.5 | 21,320 | 46.1 | 10,420 | 22.5 | 446 | 1.0 | 46,295 |
| Rava-Ruska | 5,098 | 57.1 | 2,377 | 26.6 | 1,421 | 15.9 | 31 | 0.3 | 8,927 |
| Rohatyn | 3,143 | 56.8 | 1,005 | 18.2 | 1,289 | 23.3 | 92 | 1.7 | 5,529 |
| Rzeszów | 6,324 | 42.1 | 8,210 | 54.7 | 420 | 2.8 | 56 | 0.4 | 15,010 |
| Sambir | 4,794 | 29.5 | 8,624 | 53.0 | 2,824 | 17.4 | 26 | 0.2 | 16,268 |
| Sanok | 3,072 | 48.3 | 2,285 | 35.9 | 1,005 | 15.8 | 3 | 0.0 | 6,365 |
| Skalat | 2,791 | 48.7 | 1,351 | 23.6 | 1,586 | 27.7 | 0 | 0.0 | 5,728 |
| Sniatyn | 4,203 | 36.5 | 1,977 | 17.2 | 4,896 | 42.6 | 424 | 3.7 | 11,500 |
| Sokal | 3,778 | 39.3 | 3,023 | 31.5 | 2,795 | 29.1 | 13 | 0.1 | 9,609 |
| Stryi | 8,554 | 37.9 | 7,491 | 33.2 | 5,903 | 26.1 | 632 | 2.8 | 22,580 |
| Tarnów | 12,484 | 42.7 | 16,711 | 57.1 | 62 | 0.2 | 8 | 0.0 | 29,265 |
| Ternopil | 13,493 | 44.4 | 8,244 | 27.1 | 8,583 | 28.2 | 95 | 0.3 | 30,415 |
| Turka | 2,892 | 47.6 | 666 | 11.0 | 2,522 | 41.5 | 0 | 0.0 | 6,080 |
| Yavoriv | 2,846 | 28.2 | 1,078 | 10.7 | 6,160 | 61.0 | 8 | 0.1 | 10,092 |
| Zalishchyky | 3,780 | 63.9 | 1,306 | 22.1 | 660 | 11.2 | 170 | 2.9 | 5,916 |
| Zbarazh | 2,896 | 34.8 | 3,218 | 38.7 | 2,192 | 26.4 | 4 | 0.0 | 8,310 |
| Zhovkva | 4,008 | 44.7 | 2,212 | 24.7 | 2,697 | 30.1 | 49 | 0.5 | 8,966 |
| Zolochiv | 5,257 | 51.8 | 2,470 | 24.4 | 2,397 | 23.6 | 19 | 0.2 | 10,143 |
Note: Top 50 locations with the largest Jewish populations. Military population excluded.
Sources: Own calculations based on Gemeindelexikon der im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder. Bearbeitet auf Grund der Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1900 (Wien: K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerai, 1907), vol. 12–13.
The main difference among the top populated places was the increase in the population of Kolomyia (16,568) and the decline in the rankings of Brody (11,912) and Zhovkva (4,008), which reflect on the one hand the increased importance of the route to Bukovina, where Kolomyia was located, and the progressing concentration of the population in the administrative (non-Jewish) centers on the other hand. In Bukovina, 22.5% of the entire Jewish population resided in the capital city, Chernivtsi (21,587) 2.1.1-Demography-9, the next towns, in terms of the Jews’ population size, were Rădăuți (4,894), Suceava (4,229) and Vyzhnytsia (3,997), a town which also had the highest share of the Jews (89%) in all of Galicia and Bukovina (table 5).
Table 5. Locations in Bukovina with largest Jewish population, 1900
| Place | District | Jews | Catholics | Christian Orthodox | Other | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| N | % | N | % | N | % | N | % | N | ||
| Arbora | Solca | 363 | 6.4 | 444 | 7.8 | 4,574 | 80.9 | 276 | 4.9 | 5,657 |
| Banyliv | Putyla | 1,016 | 19.8 | 325 | 6.3 | 3,785 | 73.8 | 2 | 0.0 | 5,128 |
| Banyliv-Pidhirnyi | Storozhynets | 659 | 13.7 | 820 | 17.1 | 3,326 | 69.2 | 1 | 0.0 | 4,806 |
| Berehomet | Vyzhnytsia | 749 | 18.6 | 139 | 3.5 | 3,110 | 77.3 | 26 | 0.6 | 4,024 |
| Boiany | Sadhora | 1,097 | 16.4 | 1,645 | 24.6 | 3,952 | 59.0 | 1 | 0.0 | 6,695 |
| Câmpulung Moldovenesc | Câmpulung Moldovenesc | 1,654 | 20.6 | 1,559 | 19.4 | 4,716 | 58.7 | 99 | 1.2 | 8,028 |
| Chernivtsi | Chernivtsi | 21,587 | 31.9 | 26,780 | 39.6 | 15,621 | 23.1 | 3,634 | 5.4 | 67,622 |
| Chudei | Storozhynets | 520 | 20.0 | 343 | 13.2 | 1,721 | 66.3 | 10 | 0.4 | 2,594 |
| Gura Humorului | Gura Humorului | 1,457 | 35.9 | 1,924 | 47.4 | 599 | 14.7 | 83 | 2.0 | 4,063 |
| Hlyboka | Siret | 307 | 6.9 | 761 | 17.2 | 2,903 | 65.5 | 458 | 10.3 | 4,429 |
| Ispas | Vyzhnytsia | 321 | 7.1 | 195 | 4.3 | 3,975 | 88.5 | 0 | 0.0 | 4,491 |
| Iţcani | Suchava | 578 | 41.4 | 587 | 42.0 | 136 | 9.7 | 95 | 6.8 | 1,396 |
| Kitsman | Kitsman | 509 | 10.6 | 743 | 15.5 | 3,523 | 73.7 | 7 | 0.1 | 4,782 |
| Korytne | Vashkivtsi | 575 | 15.9 | 30 | 0.8 | 3,020 | 83.3 | 0. | 0.0 | 3,625 |
| Kostyntsi | Stanestie | 395 | 14.9 | 11 | 0.4 | 2,243 | 84.7 | 0 | 0.0 | 2,649 |
| Krasna Putna | Storozhynets | 319 | 19.6 | 101 | 6.2 | 1,209 | 74.2 | 0 | 0.0 | 1,629 |
| Lukavtsi | Vyzhnytsia | 524 | 17.4 | 188 | 6.2 | 2,299 | 76.2 | 7 | 0.2 | 3,018 |
| Moldoviţa | Câmpulung Moldovenesc | 591 | 18.2 | 635 | 19.6 | 1,927 | 59.4 | 93 | 2.9 | 3,246 |
| Myhove | Vyzhnytsia | 523 | 19.5 | 109 | 4.1 | 2,042 | 76.2 | 5 | 0.2 | 2,679 |
| Nova Zhuchka | Sadhora | 464 | 19.7 | 564 | 23.9 | 1,320 | 56.0 | 10 | 0.4 | 2,358 |
| Novoselytsya | Sadhora | 496 | 38.2 | 153 | 11.8 | 627 | 48.3 | 21 | 1.6 | 1,297 |
| Nyzhni Stanivtsi | Nyzhni Stanivtsi | 881 | 26.1 | 219 | 6.5 | 2,167 | 64.2 | 111 | 3.3 | 3,378 |
| Putyla | Putyla | 487 | 26.3 | 182 | 9.8 | 1,182 | 63.9 | 0. | 0.0 | 1,851 |
| Rădăuți | Rădăuți | 4,894 | 34.0 | 4,890 | 34.0 | 4,085 | 28.4 | 534 | 3.7 | 1,4403 |
| Rohozna | Sadhora | 1,339 | 31.3 | 642 | 15.0 | 2,293 | 53.6 | 0 | 0.0 | 4,274 |
| Sadhora | Sadhora | 3,437 | 76.2 | 549 | 12.2 | 516 | 11.4 | 8 | 0.2 | 4,510 |
| Seliatyn | Seliatyn | 899 | 19.6 | 589 | 12.9 | 3,077 | 67.2 | 13 | 0.3 | 4,578 |
| Shepit | Seliatyn | 391 | 11.8 | 344 | 10.4 | 2,554 | 76.9 | 34 | 1.0 | 3,323 |
| Siret | Siret | 3,093 | 40.6 | 2,357 | 31.0 | 2,089 | 27.4 | 75 | 1.0 | 7,614 |
| Solca | Solca | 281 | 9.7 | 1,015 | 35.2 | 1,546 | 53.6 | 42 | 1.5 | 2,884 |
| Stara Zhadova | Storozhynets | 499 | 13.3 | 164 | 4.4 | 3,085 | 81.9 | 17 | 0.5 | 3,765 |
| Storozhynets | Storozhynets | 2,410 | 36.1 | 1,576 | 23.6 | 2,527 | 37.9 | 160 | 2.4 | 6,673 |
| Suceava | Suceava | 4,229 | 39.2 | 3,299 | 30.6 | 2,894 | 26.8 | 371 | 3.4 | 10,793 |
| Toporivtsi | Sadhora | 458 | 8.3 | 177 | 3.2 | 4,905 | 88.4 | 6 | 0.1 | 5,546 |
| Vama | Câmpulung Moldovenesc | 545 | 13.9 | 532 | 13.5 | 2,672 | 68.0 | 182 | 4.6 | 3,931 |
| Vashkivtsi | Vashkivtsi | 836 | 16.6 | 927 | 18.4 | 3,274 | 64.9 | 10 | 0.2 | 5,047 |
| Vasyliv | Zastavna | 313 | 19.6 | 36 | 2.2 | 1,252 | 78.2 | 0 | 0.0 | 1,601 |
| Vatra Dornei | Vatra Dornei | 1,052 | 20.4 | 901 | 17.5 | 3,014 | 58.4 | 192 | 3.7 | 5,159 |
| Verenchanka | Verenchanka | 354 | 9.2 | 372 | 9.7 | 3,124 | 81.1 | 2 | 0.1 | 3,852 |
| Verkhni Stanivtsi | Nyzhni Stanivtsi | 132 | 7.7 | 4 | 0.2 | 1,577 | 92.1 | 0 | 0.0 | 1,713 |
| Vicovu de Sus | Rădăuți | 365 | 5.3 | 334 | 4.8 | 6,178 | 89.6 | 15 | 0.2 | 6,892 |
| Vyzhenka | Vyzhnytsia | 653 | 35.0 | 196 | 10.5 | 1,016 | 54.4 | 3 | 0.2 | 1,868 |
| Vyzhnytsia | Vyzhnytsia | 3,997 | 89.0 | 332 | 7.4 | 147 | 3.3 | 14 | 0.3 | 4,490 |
| Zastavna | Zastavna | 479 | 11.5 | 620 | 14.9 | 3,060 | 73.5 | 3 | 0.1 | 4,162 |
Notes: Locations with Jewish population larger than 300 persons listed.
Military population excluded.
Catholics includes Roman, Greek and Armenian Catholics, Christian Orthodox includes Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox and Lipovans.
Sources: Own calculations based on Gemeindelexikon der im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder. Bearbeitet auf Grund der Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1900 (Wien: K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerai, 1907), vol. 12–13.
At the turn of the 20th century, Bukovina continued to be a highly rural region (Map 2). Only 20% of its population lived in altogether 12 towns in the region. Jews, naturally, were characterized by a higher urbanization level, measured as the proportion of those who lived in towns (51%), compared to the non-Jews (15%). Still, this level was significantly lower than that of Galician Jewry (70%).
Table 6. Urban and rural population in Galicia and Bukovina, 1900
| Land | Urban | Rural | All | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| N | % | N | % | N | |
| Galicia, 1880 | |||||
| Jews | 483,347 | 70.4 | 203,249 | 29.6 | 686,596 |
| Greek Catholics | 265,059 | 10.5 | 2,253,349 | 89.5 | 2,518,408 |
| Roman Catholics | 191,597 | 8.0 | 2,215,380 | 92.0 | 2,406,977 |
| Other religions | 13,464 | 28.7 | 33,462 | 71.3 | 46,926 |
| Total | 1,253,467 | 21.0 | 4,705,440 | 79.0 | 5,958,907 |
| Galicia, 1900 | |||||
| Jews | 566,256 | 69.8 | 244,927 | 30.2 | 811,183 |
| Greek Catholics | 343,559 | 11.1 | 276,413 | 88.9 | 3,108,972 |
| Roman Catholics | 653,647 | 19.5 | 2,692,133 | 80.5 | 3,345,780 |
| Other religions | 14,752 | 29.5 | 35,252 | 70.5 | 50,004 |
| Total | 1,578,214 | 21.6 | 5,737,725 | 78.4 | 7,315,939 |
| Bukovina, 1900 | |||||
| Jews | 49,200 | 51.2 | 46,930 | 48.8 | 96,130 |
| Christian Orthodox | 43,943 | 8.8 | 456,198 | 91.2 | 500,141 |
| Catholics | 46,581 | 42.2 | 63,768 | 57.8 | 110,349 |
| Other religion | 4,996 | 21.5 | 18,290 | 78.5 | 23,286 |
| Total | 144,720 | 19.8 | 585,186 | 80.2 | 729,906 |
Sources: Buzek, Rozsiedlenie, 183; Gemeindelexikon, vol. 13.
In general, ruralization of the Jews was mostly apparent in the Carpathians. This was a result of the lack of towns in the highlands, which technically affected the statistics, and also of Jewish adaptation to the local economy, in particular timber production.[13] In some Carpathian districts with relatively large urban centers, such as Dolyna and Skole in Galicia and Câmpulung Moldovenesc in Bukovina, Jews still preferred to reside in the villages. The slowly increasing ruralization of the Jews in Galicia, 30% in 1880 compared to 23% in 1765 in Lesser Poland and Red Ruthenia, does not contradict the general urbanization trend in the area, expressed by the increasing concentration of the Jewish population in large towns (Lviv, Kraków, Chernivtsi). Rather, the ruralization trend presents the other side of the coin, the effort to find new sources of livelihood: villages, like urban centers, became a new frontier, in particular after Jews were allowed to purchase manorial estates in 1865.[14]
A few surviving census lists from urban areas provide rough insights into additional demographic parameters which were not provided in the statistical yearbooks published at the time.
Table 7. Basic family demographics for urban population in Galicia and Bukovina, 1772–1910
| Region | Date | Age at marriage | Permanent celibacy | Nuclear families | Population | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Females | Males | |||||
| Years | Years | % | % | N | ||
| Jews | ||||||
| Zalishchyky and Yazlovets | 1772 | 17.0 | 18.9 | 0.0 | 65.9 | 1,481 |
| Northern Bukovina | 1787 | 18.4 | 22.9 | 2.9 | 77.2 | 1,077 |
| Krakow voivodeship | 1791 | 18.5 | 20.1 | 0.3 | 80.2 | 3,605 |
| Nowy Sącz | 1890 | 23.9 | 25.4 | 7.7 | n. a. | 4,149 |
| Brzozów and Sanok | 1900 | 23.4 | 23.6 | 2.0 | 77.4 | 1,732 |
| Łańcut | 1910 | 24.6 | 24.8 | 0.8 | n. a. | 1,844 |
| Rzeszów | 1910 | 24.5 | 26.3 | 1.8 | 89.4 | 8,789 |
| Ternopil | 1910 | 24.6 | 25.5 | 1.1 | 80.2 | 13,657 |
| Non-Jews | ||||||
| Krakow voivodeship | 1791 | 21.5 | 24.8 | 4.5 | 87.5 | 13,450 |
Source: Tomasz M. Jankowski, Census Microdata of Jews, accessed: 25 March 2023; CSV file, version 1.0.
Demographic transition and general modernization in the 19th century made a deep impact on the Jewish family. Within just over one hundred years, age at marriage rose from 17.5–18.0 to 23.4–24.6 for women and from 18.9–20.1 to 23.6–26.3 for men[15] 2.1.1-Demography-10.
It became much closer to the age at marriage within the non-Jewish population, particularly for women (24.8 in 1900 in total population, 30.1 for men).[16] Increased age limited the effective fertility of the Jews and made marriage lose its universal nature. A small percentage of Jews (approximately 1.1% to 7.7%) reached the age 50 without ever marrying. Such rates may seem low when compared to the non-Jewish population (4.5% in Kraków voivodeship as early as in 1790–1792), but for the Jews would be unthinkable in the eighteenth century. Another gradual change which shaped the Jewish family and made it more similar to non-Jewish ones, was its gradual nuclearization and the disappearance of complex family forms. The rate of single-family households[17] increased from 66%–80% to 77%–89%. The gradual shift of the essential family parameters of the Galicia Jews, as well as earlier demographic transition, also observed in regions of central Europe, cannot, however, be associated only with the acculturation processes occurring at that time. It reflects rather a general need, also shared by the Jews deeply embedded in shtetl life, to adapt to a rapidly changing socio-economic situation.
- ↑ Tomasz M. Jankowski, Demography of a Shtetl: The Case of Piotrków Trybunalski (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 37–56; Tafeln zur Statistik der Österreichischen Monarchie, N.s., vol. 1, pt. 1, bk. 1 (1856), tables 3, 18.
- ↑ Československý statistický věstník 7 (April 1926), 164.
- ↑ Ivana Ebelová, “Familiantský zákon a jeho dopad na proces udělování svatebních konsensů v Čechách,” Studia historica Brunensia 67 (2020), 92–96.
- ↑ Svyatoslav Pacholkiv, “Galizische Judengemeinden unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II,” Bulletin der Polnischen Historischen Mission 9 (2014), 104–106; Michael K. Silber, “The Making of Habsburgs Jewry in the Long Eighteenth Century,” in Jonathan Karp (ed.), The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 7: The Early Modern World, 1500–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 768.
- ↑ Jankowski, Demography of a Shtetl, 45–46.
- ↑ Lidia A. Zyblikiewicz, “Powszechne spisy ludności w monarchii Habsburgów,” in Celem nauki jest człowiek [...] Studia z historii społecznej i gospodarczej ofiarowane Helenie Madurowicz-Urbańskiej (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 2000), 387–395.
- ↑ Krzysztof Zamorski, Tranformacja demograficzna w Galicji na tle przemian ludnościowych innych obszarów Europy środkowej w drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX w. (Krakow: Uniwersytet Jagielloński, 1991), 21.
- ↑ Józef Buzek, “Wpływ polityki żydowskiej rządu austriackiego w latach 1772 do 1788 na wzrost zaludnienia żydowskiego w Galicyi,” Czasopismo Prawnicze i Ekonomiczne 4 (1903), 97; Tamás Csíki, “The Immigration of Galician Jews to Hungary in the Age of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867–1914,” Studia Historyczne 62 (2019), no. 4, 6; Silber, Making of Habsburgs Jewry, 767.
- ↑ Jankowski, Demography of a Shtetl, 37–49.
- ↑ Zamorski, Tranformacja demograficzna, 86–106.
- ↑ Wacław Wierzbieniec, “Jewish Self-Government in Galicia, 1815–1914,” in ed., Sources on Jewish Self-Government in the Polish Lands from Its Inception to the Present ed., François Guesnet, Jerzy Tomaszewski (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 284; Israel Bartal, The Jews of Eastern Europe, 1772–1881 (Philadelphia: University of Pensylvania Press, 2005), 38–40.
- ↑ Silber, Making of Habsburgs Jewry, note 4, 767–768; Mislovics Erzsébet, A magyarországi zsidóság demográfia- és gazdaságtörténete, 1700–1830 (Jerusalem, 2008), PhD Thesis, The Hebrew University, 8; Mislovics Erzsébet, “A zsidóság belső forrásai a MNL, Országos Levéltárának forrásanyagában, 1760–1848,” Régiókutatás Szemle 6 (2021), 151.
- ↑ John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies 1988), 157.
- ↑ Tomasz Gąsowski, “From Austeria to Manor: Jewish Landowners in Autonomous Galicia,” Polin 12 (1999), 122–124.
- ↑ Singulate mean age at marriage applied here considers actual marital status, including “ritual” marriages, reconstructed based on formal marital status and family relationships provided in the census lists.
- ↑ Zamorski, Tranformacja demograficzna, 79.
- ↑ Households of type 1–3 in Peter Laslett’s typology. Eugene A. Hammel, Peter Laslett, “Comparing Households Structure over Time and between Cultures.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 16 (1974), 96.
