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	\|HasTitle=The Jews Under the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina During the First World War (1914–1915)		\|HasTitle=The Jews Under the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina During the First World War (1914–1915)
	\|HasAuthor=Semion Goldin		\|HasAuthor=Semion Goldin
	\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - ~~Anti~~-Semitism and Pogroms		\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - Anti-Semitism and Pogroms
	\|HasTimePeriod=1914-1918		\|HasTimePeriod=1914-1918
	\|HasRegion=Galicia; Bukovina		\|HasRegion=Galicia; Bukovina

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	\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604470905171		\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604470905171
	}}		}}
			<span id="the-jews-under-the-russian-occupation-of-galicia-and-bukovina-during-the-first-world-war-1914-1915"></span>
			= The Jews Under the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina During the First World War (1914–1915) =

			'''Semion Goldin'''

	'''The Beginning of the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina'''		'''The Beginning of the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina'''

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	At the beginning of August 1914, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich, issued an appeal “to the Russian People of Chervonnaia Rus’.” In this document, he presented the conquest of Galicia as the reunification with Russia of historical Russian lands and the completion of “the work of Grand Prince Ivan Kalita, ”<ref>V. V. Rozanov, ''Voina 1914 i russkoe vozrozhdenie'' (Petrograd: Novoe vremia, 1915).</ref> prince of Moscow in the 14<sup>th</sup> century. This designation of Galicia as Russian land since time immemorial determined the nature of the military administration in the region, which aimed at rapid and uncompromising Russification. Concurrently, in August 1914, it was decided to create a military general-governorship to administer the occupied territories. Lieutenant-general Count Georgii Bobrinskii, subordinate to the head of supplies on the southwestern front, was appointed Military Governor-General of Galicia. The territory of the governorship was divided into three and later on into four gubernias (provinces): Lvov, Tarnopol, Chernovtzy, and Peremyshl’. The Russian occupation lasted until June 1915, when an offensive by Austro-German forces compelled the Russian forces to leave Galicia and Bukovina hastily.[[Image:3.1.1-WW1-1\|3.1.1-WW1-1]]		At the beginning of August 1914, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich, issued an appeal “to the Russian People of Chervonnaia Rus’.” In this document, he presented the conquest of Galicia as the reunification with Russia of historical Russian lands and the completion of “the work of Grand Prince Ivan Kalita, ”<ref>V. V. Rozanov, ''Voina 1914 i russkoe vozrozhdenie'' (Petrograd: Novoe vremia, 1915).</ref> prince of Moscow in the 14<sup>th</sup> century. This designation of Galicia as Russian land since time immemorial determined the nature of the military administration in the region, which aimed at rapid and uncompromising Russification. Concurrently, in August 1914, it was decided to create a military general-governorship to administer the occupied territories. Lieutenant-general Count Georgii Bobrinskii, subordinate to the head of supplies on the southwestern front, was appointed Military Governor-General of Galicia. The territory of the governorship was divided into three and later on into four gubernias (provinces): Lvov, Tarnopol, Chernovtzy, and Peremyshl’. The Russian occupation lasted until June 1915, when an offensive by Austro-German forces compelled the Russian forces to leave Galicia and Bukovina hastily.[[Image:3.1.1-WW1-1\|3.1.1-WW1-1]]

	Jews as a “Problem” for the Russian Army		'''Jews as a “Problem” for the Russian Army'''

	The Russian military authorities were well aware of the ethnic composition of Galicia and Bukovina. From their point of view, the local Ukrainian population, which they considered simply as “Russian,” should have become the new rulers’ natural allies. At the same time, they thought it necessary to severely suppress the Ukrainian national movement. Russian authorities called representatives of the Ukrainian national movement ''mazepinitsy'' after the ''hetman'' [military commander] of the Zaporozhian Host, Ivan Mazepa, who had switched to the Swedish side during the Northern War between Russia and Sweden in 1700–1721. The Polish population of Galicia was considered potentially hostile but the Russian authorities valued its neutrality and therefore recommended not to offend its national sentiments.		The Russian military authorities were well aware of the ethnic composition of Galicia and Bukovina. From their point of view, the local Ukrainian population, which they considered simply as “Russian,” should have become the new rulers’ natural allies. At the same time, they thought it necessary to severely suppress the Ukrainian national movement. Russian authorities called representatives of the Ukrainian national movement ''mazepinitsy'' after the ''hetman'' [military commander] of the Zaporozhian Host, Ivan Mazepa, who had switched to the Swedish side during the Northern War between Russia and Sweden in 1700–1721. The Polish population of Galicia was considered potentially hostile but the Russian authorities valued its neutrality and therefore recommended not to offend its national sentiments.
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	The Police Department, in turn, in order not to disperse Galician Jews across Russia, proposed keeping all of them in prisons. As a result, the head of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Nikolai Yanushkevich, who received “information from the Interior Ministry about the expulsion of Yids [''sic''] from Galicia to the interior of Russia,” sent a sharply worded telegram: “This is inadmissible; even without that, there are too many of them with us. It was ordered to drive them forward after the Austrians.”<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 41.</ref>		The Police Department, in turn, in order not to disperse Galician Jews across Russia, proposed keeping all of them in prisons. As a result, the head of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Nikolai Yanushkevich, who received “information from the Interior Ministry about the expulsion of Yids [''sic''] from Galicia to the interior of Russia,” sent a sharply worded telegram: “This is inadmissible; even without that, there are too many of them with us. It was ordered to drive them forward after the Austrians.”<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 41.</ref>

	The deportation of ten thousand Galician Jews to Poltava Gubernia was thus canceled. Supreme Headquarters determined that instead of being deported into the Russian interior, they should be expelled to the enemy side. This direction of future expulsions was first mentioned as an option in the January 1915 directives of the Supreme Commanded-in-Chief. It was frequently also mentioned in orders to the troops on the southwestern front from February to May 1915.<ref>See, for example, the order to 3<sup>rd</sup> Army headquarters from February 25, 1915: “With the arrival of troops to new regions, the entire Jewish population must be expelled immediately to the enemy side” (APP, 14: 249). Cf. order to the 18<sup>th</sup> Army Corps (part of the 8th Army under the command of A. A. Brusilov) from May 14, 1915: “Drive the Jews to the side of the enemy, not leaving a single one in the area of the troops” (Ibid., 258). The headquarters of the front ordered: “Drive the Jews after the Austrians […]. Rumors reached the Supreme Commander-in-Chief that with the movement of our troops forward, the Jewish residents are not being expelled” (TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 41).</ref> The sole known attempt to carry out the deportation of Jews across enemy positions occurred in March 1915 in the [[Community:Nadvirna\|Nadvirna]] region of Galicia (in the 9<sup>th</sup> Army’s sector of the front). The Russian command sent out a Russian parliamentarian bearing the announcement that 1,500 Jewish families would be “transferred” “beyond the Russian lines toward the side of Austro-Hungarian troops.” The Austro-Hungarian command, however, refused to allow the Jews to relocate to their side “for military reasons, despite the deepest sympathy for the poor victims of barbarianism.”<ref>Czas, 137 (10.3. 1915), 1. These events coincided with the unsuccessful attempt to expel 10,000 Jews to Poltava Gubernia.</ref> ~~]]IMG~~: 3.1.1-WW1-4\|]]		The deportation of ten thousand Galician Jews to Poltava Gubernia was thus canceled. Supreme Headquarters determined that instead of being deported into the Russian interior, they should be expelled to the enemy side. This direction of future expulsions was first mentioned as an option in the January 1915 directives of the Supreme Commanded-in-Chief. It was frequently also mentioned in orders to the troops on the southwestern front from February to May 1915.<ref>See, for example, the order to 3<sup>rd</sup> Army headquarters from February 25, 1915: “With the arrival of troops to new regions, the entire Jewish population must be expelled immediately to the enemy side” (APP, 14: 249). Cf. order to the 18<sup>th</sup> Army Corps (part of the 8th Army under the command of A. A. Brusilov) from May 14, 1915: “Drive the Jews to the side of the enemy, not leaving a single one in the area of the troops” (Ibid., 258). The headquarters of the front ordered: “Drive the Jews after the Austrians […]. Rumors reached the Supreme Commander-in-Chief that with the movement of our troops forward, the Jewish residents are not being expelled” (TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 41).</ref> The sole known attempt to carry out the deportation of Jews across enemy positions occurred in March 1915 in the [[Community:Nadvirna\|Nadvirna]] region of Galicia (in the 9<sup>th</sup> Army’s sector of the front). The Russian command sent out a Russian parliamentarian bearing the announcement that 1,500 Jewish families would be “transferred” “beyond the Russian lines toward the side of Austro-Hungarian troops.” The Austro-Hungarian command, however, refused to allow the Jews to relocate to their side “for military reasons, despite the deepest sympathy for the poor victims of barbarianism.”<ref>Czas, 137 (10.3. 1915), 1. These events coincided with the unsuccessful attempt to expel 10,000 Jews to Poltava Gubernia.</ref> [[Image:3.1.1-WW1-4\|3.1.1-WW1-4]]

	Given the enemy’s unwillingness to let the Jews cross their positions and its own apprehensions that the Austrians could easily receive operative information from the deportees,<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 77 obv.</ref> the Russian command rejected such a method of getting rid of the undesirable presence of Jews in the battle zone. It followed that the expelled Jews could be sent neither into Russia nor into Austro-Hungary. Given this logic, the military administration saw only one viable option: to resettle them in the Skalat, Ternopil and Zbarazh districts, the parts of Galicia that were farthest from the front and the closest of all to the prewar Russo-Austrian border along the Zbruch River. Concurrently, some expelled Jews were resettled by local authorities without being relocated to the eastern part of Galicia. Thus, several thousand evacuees were sent from Dobromil’ District to [[Community:Sambir\|Sambir]] (Those expelled on February 16, 1915, were permitted to return to their homes on March 29, 1915, at the request of the head of the Sambir District). Some 4,000 Jews who had been expelled from Bukovina on May 7, 1915—mostly women and children—were settled in [[Community:Chortkiv\|Chortkiv]] and Jews expelled from [[Community:Przemyśl\|Przemyśl]] on April 28, 1915, were sent westward and were resettled in [[Community:Jarosław\|Jarosław]].<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 77 obv.,11–12, 48, 62–64.</ref>		Given the enemy’s unwillingness to let the Jews cross their positions and its own apprehensions that the Austrians could easily receive operative information from the deportees,<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 77 obv.</ref> the Russian command rejected such a method of getting rid of the undesirable presence of Jews in the battle zone. It followed that the expelled Jews could be sent neither into Russia nor into Austro-Hungary. Given this logic, the military administration saw only one viable option: to resettle them in the Skalat, Ternopil and Zbarazh districts, the parts of Galicia that were farthest from the front and the closest of all to the prewar Russo-Austrian border along the Zbruch River. Concurrently, some expelled Jews were resettled by local authorities without being relocated to the eastern part of Galicia. Thus, several thousand evacuees were sent from Dobromil’ District to [[Community:Sambir\|Sambir]] (Those expelled on February 16, 1915, were permitted to return to their homes on March 29, 1915, at the request of the head of the Sambir District). Some 4,000 Jews who had been expelled from Bukovina on May 7, 1915—mostly women and children—were settled in [[Community:Chortkiv\|Chortkiv]] and Jews expelled from [[Community:Przemyśl\|Przemyśl]] on April 28, 1915, were sent westward and were resettled in [[Community:Jarosław\|Jarosław]].<ref>TsDIAUK, f. 361, op. 1, d. 674, l. 77 obv.,11–12, 48, 62–64.</ref>

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{{Article
|HasArticleID=3.1.1
|HasTitle=The Jews Under the Russian Occupation of Galicia and Bukovina During the First World War (1914–1915)
|HasAuthor=Semion Goldin
|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - Anti-Semitism and Pogroms
|HasTimePeriod=1914-1918
|HasRegion=Galicia; Bukovina
|HasRelatedPersonalities=Person:Weisselberger
|HasRelatedEntries=Article:3.1.2
|HasMainPicture=Image:3.1.1-WW1-3
|HasGalleryImages=Image:3.1.1-WW1-1; Image:3.1.1-WW1-1-1; Image:3.1.1-WW1-2; Image:3.1.1-WW1-3; Image:3.1.1-WW1-4; Image:3.1.1-WW1-4-1; Image:3.1.1-WW1-5; Image:3.1.1-WW1-6
|HasMap=Map:Map-3.1.1
|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604470905171
}}

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