Article:2.5.4 - Revision history

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	\|HasTitle=Antisemitism and Anti-Jewish Violence in Late Habsburg Galicia		\|HasTitle=Antisemitism and Anti-Jewish Violence in Late Habsburg Galicia
	\|HasAuthor=Daniel Unowsky		\|HasAuthor=Daniel Unowsky
	\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - ~~Acculturation~~ and Assimilation; Economics		\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - Acculturation and Assimilation; Economics
	\|HasTimePeriod=1772-1914		\|HasTimePeriod=1772-1914
	\|HasRegion=Galicia		\|HasRegion=Galicia

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	Local officials were slow to react at first. The district captain of Wadowice, for example, dismissed concerns about pending violence as nothing more than the tendency of Jews to “invent fairy tales.”<ref>Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv (Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv Ukrainy), 146/4/3117, 40–45.</ref> As the riots escalated and spread, however, local, regional, and state-level authorities mobilized gendarmes and soldiers to patrol market squares, public buildings, and train stations. District captains pressed village leaders, city mayors, and priests to convince the population that there was no permission to beat Jews and that any such action would result in severe penalties. The authorities arrested thousands. Many were held in local jails for months awaiting trial. Defense attorneys pleaded extenuating circumstances: their clients were drunk on vodka that Jews had pushed on them; they were ignorant and so were easily misled by rumors of Jewish culpability and imperial permission; they had been caught up in a mob and had no ability to think or act for themselves. Even as prosecutors vigorously pursued charges against rioters, they conceded that Jews played negative roles in commerce, moneylending, and alcohol consumption and that Jews such as Mendel Kraus had provoked otherwise innocent Christians to violence.		Local officials were slow to react at first. The district captain of Wadowice, for example, dismissed concerns about pending violence as nothing more than the tendency of Jews to “invent fairy tales.”<ref>Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv (Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv Ukrainy), 146/4/3117, 40–45.</ref> As the riots escalated and spread, however, local, regional, and state-level authorities mobilized gendarmes and soldiers to patrol market squares, public buildings, and train stations. District captains pressed village leaders, city mayors, and priests to convince the population that there was no permission to beat Jews and that any such action would result in severe penalties. The authorities arrested thousands. Many were held in local jails for months awaiting trial. Defense attorneys pleaded extenuating circumstances: their clients were drunk on vodka that Jews had pushed on them; they were ignorant and so were easily misled by rumors of Jewish culpability and imperial permission; they had been caught up in a mob and had no ability to think or act for themselves. Even as prosecutors vigorously pursued charges against rioters, they conceded that Jews played negative roles in commerce, moneylending, and alcohol consumption and that Jews such as Mendel Kraus had provoked otherwise innocent Christians to violence.

	Few attacks took place in the eastern districts of the province. Most persons arrested in [[Community:~~Przemśl~~\|Przemyśl]], [[Community:Tovste\|Tovste]], and [[Community:Burshtyn\|Burshtyn]] were Polish-speaking Roman Catholics working in the east on construction, railroad, or river-regulation projects. These incidents were not followed by raids in surrounding villages. Few members of the Ukrainian-speaking Greek Catholic majority participated. Social and economic segregation of Jews and Christians, however, was greater in eastern Galicia. The predominance of Jews as shopkeepers, leaseholders, and publicans was more visible there.		Few attacks took place in the eastern districts of the province. Most persons arrested in [[Community:Przemyśl\|Przemyśl]], [[Community:Tovste\|Tovste]], and [[Community:Burshtyn\|Burshtyn]] were Polish-speaking Roman Catholics working in the east on construction, railroad, or river-regulation projects. These incidents were not followed by raids in surrounding villages. Few members of the Ukrainian-speaking Greek Catholic majority participated. Social and economic segregation of Jews and Christians, however, was greater in eastern Galicia. The predominance of Jews as shopkeepers, leaseholders, and publicans was more visible there.

	Why then was there such a disparity in levels of violence in western and central Galicia versus the eastern districts and why did few Ruthenians participate? There are several possible explanations. In the 1890s, stores, credit institutions, and agricultural cooperatives run by Polish-speakers became more common in central and western Galicia, making economic competition between Poles and Jews more intense. Fewer Greek Catholics entered into such direct economic rivalry with Jews. Ruthenian politicians, journalists, and activists—Ukrainian nationalists as well as more Russian-oriented Russophiles—did beseech the population to boycott Jews and push them out of the rural economy. However, while Ruthenian politicians viewed Jews negatively, they also saw Jews as potential allies in their struggle against the Poles. The focus of rural Polish political agitation in the 1890s was directed against the Jews; in the east, Ruthenian politics centered on the Polish not the Jewish enemy.		Why then was there such a disparity in levels of violence in western and central Galicia versus the eastern districts and why did few Ruthenians participate? There are several possible explanations. In the 1890s, stores, credit institutions, and agricultural cooperatives run by Polish-speakers became more common in central and western Galicia, making economic competition between Poles and Jews more intense. Fewer Greek Catholics entered into such direct economic rivalry with Jews. Ruthenian politicians, journalists, and activists—Ukrainian nationalists as well as more Russian-oriented Russophiles—did beseech the population to boycott Jews and push them out of the rural economy. However, while Ruthenian politicians viewed Jews negatively, they also saw Jews as potential allies in their struggle against the Poles. The focus of rural Polish political agitation in the 1890s was directed against the Jews; in the east, Ruthenian politics centered on the Polish not the Jewish enemy.

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	How did Jews respond? Jewish leaders and organizations such as the Austrian-Israelite Union lobbied the government in Vienna to ban ''Jewish Secrets'' and employ force to protect Jews. They begged Jews throughout the monarchy and abroad to donate funds to compensate those whose property had been destroyed or plundered. Individual Jews reacted in sundry ways. Learning in advance of planned attacks, some merchants locked their shop doors and traveled to relatives and friends in larger towns.		How did Jews respond? Jewish leaders and organizations such as the Austrian-Israelite Union lobbied the government in Vienna to ban ''Jewish Secrets'' and employ force to protect Jews. They begged Jews throughout the monarchy and abroad to donate funds to compensate those whose property had been destroyed or plundered. Individual Jews reacted in sundry ways. Learning in advance of planned attacks, some merchants locked their shop doors and traveled to relatives and friends in larger towns.

	. Jewish innkeepers satisfied the demands of rowdy customers for vodka and then fled through doorways or windows to seek police assistance or hide in fields or attics. Others stood their ground, calling out those whom they knew among the marauders. In a much-publicized incident, Mendel Kraus of Wieliczka was arrested and placed on trial for rescuing his father from a stone-throwing mob by brandishing his butcher’s knife.<ref>Daniel Unowsky, ''The Plunder: The 1898 Anti-Jewish Riots in Habsburg Galicia'' (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018), 124–126.</ref> Jewish butchers and craftsmen in eastern Galicia offered equally muscular defense.[[Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9\|2.5.4-Antisemitism-9]]		Jewish innkeepers satisfied the demands of rowdy customers for vodka and then fled through doorways or windows to seek police assistance or hide in fields or attics. Others stood their ground, calling out those whom they knew among the marauders. In a much-publicized incident, Mendel Kraus of Wieliczka was arrested and placed on trial for rescuing his father from a stone-throwing mob by brandishing his butcher’s knife.<ref>Daniel Unowsky, ''The Plunder: The 1898 Anti-Jewish Riots in Habsburg Galicia'' (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018), 124–126.</ref> Jewish butchers and craftsmen in eastern Galicia offered equally muscular defense.[[Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9\|2.5.4-Antisemitism-9]]

	Local officials were slow to react at first. The district captain of Wadowice, for example, dismissed concerns about pending violence as nothing more than the tendency of Jews to “invent fairy tales.”<ref>Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv (Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv Ukrainy), 146/4/3117, 40–45.</ref> As the riots escalated and spread, however, local, regional, and state-level authorities mobilized gendarmes and soldiers to patrol market squares, public buildings, and train stations. District captains pressed village leaders, city mayors, and priests to convince the population that there was no permission to beat Jews and that any such action would result in severe penalties. The authorities arrested thousands. Many were held in local jails for months awaiting trial. Defense attorneys pleaded extenuating circumstances: their clients were drunk on vodka that Jews had pushed on them; they were ignorant and so were easily misled by rumors of Jewish culpability and imperial permission; they had been caught up in a mob and had no ability to think or act for themselves. Even as prosecutors vigorously pursued charges against rioters, they conceded that Jews played negative roles in commerce, moneylending, and alcohol consumption and that Jews such as Mendel Kraus had provoked otherwise innocent Christians to violence.		Local officials were slow to react at first. The district captain of Wadowice, for example, dismissed concerns about pending violence as nothing more than the tendency of Jews to “invent fairy tales.”<ref>Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv (Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv Ukrainy), 146/4/3117, 40–45.</ref> As the riots escalated and spread, however, local, regional, and state-level authorities mobilized gendarmes and soldiers to patrol market squares, public buildings, and train stations. District captains pressed village leaders, city mayors, and priests to convince the population that there was no permission to beat Jews and that any such action would result in severe penalties. The authorities arrested thousands. Many were held in local jails for months awaiting trial. Defense attorneys pleaded extenuating circumstances: their clients were drunk on vodka that Jews had pushed on them; they were ignorant and so were easily misled by rumors of Jewish culpability and imperial permission; they had been caught up in a mob and had no ability to think or act for themselves. Even as prosecutors vigorously pursued charges against rioters, they conceded that Jews played negative roles in commerce, moneylending, and alcohol consumption and that Jews such as Mendel Kraus had provoked otherwise innocent Christians to violence.

	Few attacks took place in the eastern districts of the province. Most persons arrested in [[Community:Przemśl\|~~Przemśl~~]], [[Community:Tovste\|Tovste]], and [[Community:Burshtyn\|Burshtyn]] were Polish-speaking Roman Catholics working in the east on construction, railroad, or river-regulation projects. These incidents were not followed by raids in surrounding villages. Few members of the Ukrainian-speaking Greek Catholic majority participated. Social and economic segregation of Jews and Christians, however, was greater in eastern Galicia. The predominance of Jews as shopkeepers, leaseholders, and publicans was more visible there.		Few attacks took place in the eastern districts of the province. Most persons arrested in [[Community:Przemśl\|Przemyśl]], [[Community:Tovste\|Tovste]], and [[Community:Burshtyn\|Burshtyn]] were Polish-speaking Roman Catholics working in the east on construction, railroad, or river-regulation projects. These incidents were not followed by raids in surrounding villages. Few members of the Ukrainian-speaking Greek Catholic majority participated. Social and economic segregation of Jews and Christians, however, was greater in eastern Galicia. The predominance of Jews as shopkeepers, leaseholders, and publicans was more visible there.

	Why then was there such a disparity in levels of violence in western and central Galicia versus the eastern districts and why did few Ruthenians participate? There are several possible explanations. In the 1890s, stores, credit institutions, and agricultural cooperatives run by Polish-speakers became more common in central and western Galicia, making economic competition between Poles and Jews more intense. Fewer Greek Catholics entered into such direct economic rivalry with Jews. Ruthenian politicians, journalists, and activists—Ukrainian nationalists as well as more Russian-oriented Russophiles—did beseech the population to boycott Jews and push them out of the rural economy. However, while Ruthenian politicians viewed Jews negatively, they also saw Jews as potential allies in their struggle against the Poles. The focus of rural Polish political agitation in the 1890s was directed against the Jews; in the east, Ruthenian politics centered on the Polish not the Jewish enemy.		Why then was there such a disparity in levels of violence in western and central Galicia versus the eastern districts and why did few Ruthenians participate? There are several possible explanations. In the 1890s, stores, credit institutions, and agricultural cooperatives run by Polish-speakers became more common in central and western Galicia, making economic competition between Poles and Jews more intense. Fewer Greek Catholics entered into such direct economic rivalry with Jews. Ruthenian politicians, journalists, and activists—Ukrainian nationalists as well as more Russian-oriented Russophiles—did beseech the population to boycott Jews and push them out of the rural economy. However, while Ruthenian politicians viewed Jews negatively, they also saw Jews as potential allies in their struggle against the Poles. The focus of rural Polish political agitation in the 1890s was directed against the Jews; in the east, Ruthenian politics centered on the Polish not the Jewish enemy.

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	\|HasMap=Map:Map-2.5.4		\|HasMap=Map:Map-2.5.4
	\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171		\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171
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			\|HasGalleryImages=Image:2.5.4-Violence-1; Image:2.5.4-Violence-2; Image:2.5.4-Violence-3; Image:2.5.4-Violence-3a; Image:2.5.4-Violence-4
	}}		}}
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	\|HasRelatedEntries=Article:1.5.2; Article:1.4.3; Article:2.4.7		\|HasRelatedEntries=Article:1.5.2; Article:1.4.3; Article:2.4.7
	\|HasMainPicture=Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9		\|HasMainPicture=Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9
	\|HasMap=Map:Map-2.5.4-1		\|HasMap=Map:Map-2.5.4
	\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171		\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171
	}}		}}

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	\|HasAuthor=Daniel Unowsky		\|HasAuthor=Daniel Unowsky
	\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - Acculturation and Assimilation; Economics		\|BelongsToTopic=Jews and Their Surrounding - Acculturation and Assimilation; Economics
	\|HasTimePeriod=1914~~-1918~~		\|HasTimePeriod=1772-1914
	\|HasRegion=Galicia		\|HasRegion=Galicia
	\|HasExtension=Extension:Ex-2.5.4		\|HasExtension=Extension:Ex-2.5.4

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	\|HasRelatedEntries=Article:1.5.2; Article:1.4.3; Article:2.4.7		\|HasRelatedEntries=Article:1.5.2; Article:1.4.3; Article:2.4.7
	\|HasMainPicture=Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9		\|HasMainPicture=Image:2.5.4-Antisemitism-9
	\|HasMap=~~Major Sites of anti~~-~~Jewish Violence in 1898~~		\|HasMap=Map:Map-2.5.4-1
	\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171		\|HasNationalLibraryCode=997013604471305171
	}}		}}